On the exact day Donald Trump was presented with a custom-made "award for peace" from his recent friend, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his government published an equally ostentatious national security strategy. This fairly short paper drips with pure Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the characteristically modest assertion that the president has rescued "the United States and the globe – back from the brink of catastrophe and disaster."
Even though the strategy largely codifies the current actions and rhetoric of Trump and his cabinet, it must be taken as a grave warning for the world, and for Europe in particular.
The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy interference where the US explicitly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its rhetoric could have been lifted straight from speeches by Viktor Orbán during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to remain European, to regain its cultural self-confidence." More ominously, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is overshadowed by the genuine and more stark prospect of civilizational erasure."
The whole section on Europe is imbued with decades of European right-wing ideology and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "transforming the continent and causing conflict, censorship of free expression and stifling of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and erosion of national identities and self-confidence." According to the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether certain European countries will have economic power and militaries strong enough to remain dependable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration asserts that "in a matter of years at the latest, certain NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"U.S. foreign policy should continue to champion genuine democracy, freedom of expression, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ individual character and history."
These points carry strong echoes of two concepts seen as core for contemporary right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose thesis on the cyclical decline of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiracy theory, alleging European elites of using immigration to replace rebellious "native" populations and bring in a more docile and dependent electorate.
It is the nationalist fantasy contained in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the right, if not the duty, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it identifies its allies: "The United States urges its political allies in Europe to promote this revival of spirit, and the growing clout of nationalist European parties indeed gives cause for great optimism."
Put simply, the US believes that it is essential to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the sole political force that can accomplish this. Consequently, its "broad policy for Europe" focuses on "fostering opposition to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "strengthening the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.
While the document stays vague on methods, it is obvious that a key aim is to push Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – particularly regarding right-wing speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not regard Russia as an enemy either.
In a broader sense, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the 1823 policy of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to interfere in the "western hemisphere," which he proclaimed to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "implement a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.
This is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will at last realize that the stance is serious. And if the document is too long or imprecise for them, it can be summarised in plain and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is best served by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not only an reluctant ally; it is a deliberate adversary. It is time to act accordingly.